The report ‘Cash and Compassion.
(Commissioned By UNDP Somalia)
Somaliland
The diaspora has been engaged in conflict resolution and peace building in Somaliland for several decades. The initial resistance to the Siyad Barre regime was in fact organized in the diaspora, with the Somali National Movement being created in London and Jeddah, Saudi Arabia in the early 1980s.
From that time, the Somaliland community in the UK organized demonstrations in front of the Somali embassy in London, and informed the wider western public about the atrocities being committed by the Somali regime. Moreover, members of the diaspora collected funds and sent them to the SNM in eastern Ethiopia.
They sent back equipment and medicine and lobbied western governments to end their political and financial support for the Barre regime. In the early 1990s, the western diaspora mostly focused on contributing to post-war reconstruction and rehabilitation, and on securing international recognition for Somaliland. During outbreaks of violence, for example during the '' Airport war'' the diaspora tried to mediate between the opposing subclans, primarily by working through womenڇs clan affiliations, thereby countering the strong importance of paternal clan loyalties.
Today the diaspora influences politics in Somaliland in many ways. First, it continues to work for recognition by lobbying western governments and informing their publics about the achievements of Somaliland since 1991. Secondly, the engagement of the diaspora in politics is seen in the fact that two of the three existing parties in Somaliland (i.e. UCID and Kulmiye) have been set up by, and continue to receive major cash donations from, the diaspora. Thirdly, the engagement of the diaspora in politics is evident in the high number of politicians and ministers who are from the diaspora. During fieldwork in Somaliland, informants estimated that between 20-30% of MPs were from the diaspora, and fully one half of the new cabinet have returned from the diaspora. President Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo, elected in 2010, is a UK citizen.
There are both positive and negative aspects of the strong involvement of the diaspora in politics.
On the positive side, members of the diaspora are sometimes seen as having the potential of bringing skills to the political field that are in high demand, e.g. knowledge of how political parties are set up, on how to set up and run ministries, and on how to write and implement policies. As such, many diaspora politicians are seen as being more modern and civil than local politicians, who may be perceived as having been more directly engaged in the civil war. They are also seen as patriots, as many fought with the SNM, and are considered knowledgeable about good governance, human rights, etc. from their time living abroad.
There are also various negative aspects of how the diaspora engages in politics in Somaliland. First, there is a perception among some local Somalilanders that diaspora politicians are in fact not as skilled and knowledgeable as they would like others to believe. Some informants said that they believe that many diaspora politicians are only in Somaliland because they are unable to make a living in the diaspora, and as such have returned because of their lack of qualifications and personal capacities. Secondly, some diaspora politicians are said to be ignorant of local values and political practices. This has earned them the nickname ''dhaqan ceelis'' which is typically used to refer to youngsters from the diaspora who have ''lost their culture'' Thirdly, diaspora politicians are often thought to be arrogant towards locals in the sense of not taking time to learn from them about their problems, and to learn from non-diasporic politicians about how they go about their political work.
Moreover, they are often not physically in Somaliland, spending a great part of the year abroad with their families, which gives the impression, whether justified or not, that they are not really committed to Somaliland. Fourthly, and related to the above, some diaspora politicians are said to be less pragmatic, opportunistic, and open to local political support through the clan system, and openly use clan antagonism and loyalties to secure their own political careers. However, in the eyes of many local Somalilanders, the use of clan loyalties in politics is actually out of sync with how clan influences politics ڠi.e. with the making of compromises and alliances between clans being a daily political practice. In fact, some argue that because local politicians have been through war and mediation together they are accustomed to compromises and as such display a more open political culture than diaspora politicians who are often more idealistic and چradicalڇin their political stance.
Finally, the fact that political parties are funded by the diaspora means that diaspora politicians (as well as some locals) are not primarily accountable to the local population in Somaliland, but rather see other members of the diaspora as their main constituency.
For full report click on this link:
By: Laura Hammond (Team Leader), Mustafa Awad, Ali Ibrahim Dagane, Peter Hansen, Cindy Horst, Ken Menkhaus, Lynette Obare
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