.....(Hal-ku-dhigyo Dhaxal-gal Noqday) = ..... President, C/raxmaan A. Cali: ''Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland dib ayay ula soo Noqotay Qaran-nimadeedii sidaa awgeed, waa dal xor ah oo gooni u taagan maanta (18/05/1991) laga bilaabo''...>>>>> President, Maxamad I.Cigaal:''Jiritaanka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland'' Waa mid waafaqsan xeerasha u-degsan Caalamka! Sidaa darteed, waa Qaran xaq u leh in Aduunku aqoonsado''...>>>>> President, Daahir R. Kaahin: ''Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland waa dal diimuqraadi ah oo caalamka ka sugaya Ictiraafkiisa''...>>>>> President, Axmed M. Siilaanyo: ''Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, Boqol sano haday ku qaadanayso helista Ictiraafkeedu way Sugaysaa! Mar dambena la midoobi mayso Somalia-Italia''.....[***** Ha Jirto J.Somaliland Oo Ha Joogto Waligeed *****].....

Saturday, October 15, 2011

Ignoring the success of Somaliland. By Marvin Kumetat '' In German Origin''

'' State-building in the Horn of Africa''

The de facto independent Somaliland region, it creates a remarkable way to ensure relative safety and stability. And yet the enclave will be denied, even after her 20-year anniversary of the secession of Somalia. Speaks to the issue of Somalia today, so one usually reflexively words like piracy coming (fight against) terrorism and Al-Qaeda, state failure and collapse, or - very topical - famine and misery in the head. This may be true of the militant Al-Shabaab and the artificially kept alive interim government troubled south. Too often, however, remains unmentioned that has emerged with Somaliland now within two decades, a relatively stable and peaceful enclave in the north of the country.

After the state structure of today's Somaliland had initially been under British colonial rule in 1960 it united with the former Italian Somalia to today de jure Somalia.

There followed long years under the repressive regime of Siad Barre despots. This neglect of Somaliland and was increasingly unpopular. Then finally in 1988 sparked an open civil war between the Somali government and the coming of the breakaway region of "Somaliland National Movement"

The war finally ended in 1991 with the overthrow of Barre, the unilateral declaration of independence of Somaliland and the subsequent split from the rest of Somalia sinking into anarchy.

Start under difficult conditions

It seemed at first not very conducive to the Somali society is based on a clan system. The clan is an identity element and its membership is obtained through the paternal lineage. One of the largest, by aggregating the resulting "family clan" which includes Isaac, Dir and Darood.

At the beginning of the independence of Somaliland's government was based primarily on members of Isaac. Even legitimate political institutions hardly exist, the capital Hargeysa by Barre was razed to the ground in large parts. Outside the city, the protracted civil war had left many landmines. The population of Somaliland was forced to build on an extremely unstable foundation.

And cutting himself while still amazingly good. Since the "was traditional" conflict management councils of elders ("Guurti") under the British colonial system of indirect rule has remained virtually untouched, could give these "Guurti 'reconciliation processes between different (sub) clan initiate. It followed the creation of other political institutions, a new constitution and other democratic processes, while the councils of elders (optional) duties with more and more power, but still remained involved in public policy making.

Since no country in the world has recognized Somaliland until today because of limited financial aid and was available, were the rulers rely on negotiation processes with the private sector own and could make the democratic development without time pressure and the way you want. That the road would be bumpy and even in spite of all, a Somaliland no oasis of calm and happiness surprised hardly.

Stampede after the famine

The most important point of friction in the relationship to adjacent, also part autonomous state of Puntland, which - occurs at the appropriate time to be performed for a total reunification of Somalia - unlike Somaliland. Somaliland, Isaac, the place where the majority of the population, and Puntland, which is primarily a region of Harti - a subclan of the Darod - looks argue, is to be controlled by Somaliland regions of Sool, Sanaag and Buhodle.

The majority live there Harti population feels oppressed by the Isaac-dominated government in Hargeysa slips increasingly into a rural impoverishment and tends in any case rather their loyalty to Puntland. Collisions, as occurred earlier this year in February, May and August, are thus inevitable.

In addition, wear more often incipient drought and soil erosion to the fact that the lack of grazing land to the dominant economic sector in the livestock sector expands. Although Somaliland has managed to feed its own people, despite all of about 3.5 million residents, so the latest is the huge inflow of hungry refugees from neighboring countries, the government presented a daunting challenge. As a result, the supply situation in the refugee camps is due to be really irritated capacity precarious and could not be improved by the mass expulsions.

Other problem areas are the high unemployment, increasing violations of press freedom and the limited resources for infrastructure investments because of the high budget needs for security and defense dar. From an economic perspective, resulting from the harsh realities hardly more fields of activity as the cattle - the step up to barely more is. In addition, the population is heavily dependent on remittances from the diaspora.

Remarkable achievements in spite of adverse conditions

And yet the power of Somaliland - seen in a regional context - a remarkable. It has managed its population despite a lack of international support and a very difficult situation out to build a functioning state, which apparently survives even a time of crisis like the current drought and famine.

The application of their own dispute resolution methods in the form of the highly respected elder councils had created an identity and confidence over time to the emerging, constituted from "traditional" and "modern" elements bicameral parliament.

Somaliland is today because of a multiparty system with a number of free and fair presidential, parliamentary and district elections followed, peaceful transfer of power boast. A constitution adopted by the people sets out a framework and a permanent Election Commission ensures stability. Other successes in the reduction of maternal and child mortality, to be won in the expansion of primary education, and health care.

In Somaliland, was therefore operated on their own initiative and without any external influences successful "nation building". The ensuing stability is highly valued by the people and promoted the desire not to stir or potential conflicts to escalate.

Thus Somaliland is in stark contrast to the transitional government in Mogadishu, which is almost exclusively dependent on foreign funding and, despite extensive international financial and military support have problems with it, to ensure the maintenance of power within the capital.

How is it now but to the world that despite the predominantly very positive development, no government recognizes Somaliland as a sovereign state?

The African Union has no tolerance

Opponents of recognition of Somaliland lead to an argument for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia on the right into the field - a questionable interpretation, but generally there is a consensus that Somalia is a "failed state". A further important point is the fundamental rejection of separatist movements, as it wants to avoid setting a precedent, the other by the arbitrary colonial boundaries resulting conflict is fueling stoves or rekindled.

Also generally feared that recognition of Somaliland heightened the chaos in Somalia continues. Not only Puntland, but also the Al-Shabaab, which has written the unit total of Somalia on the flag would potentially threaten the boundaries of the new state, which would in any case may not have the capacity to hold them.

This seems also the reluctance of the African Union (AU) to explain. Like its predecessor, the Organisation for African Unity (OAU), the AU has declared the inviolability of colonial boundaries becomes an essential feature of their mutual relations. If they now supported a secessionist Somaliland, they violated their own internal policies and would have a legitimacy problem in terms of supporting the transitional government in Mogadishu.

From this page a resolution in favor of Somaliland is therefore difficult to imagine. This also has an effect on the relationship with the United Nations and other governments that introduce the recognition of Somaliland by the AU as a condition for its own recognition. The international community is content with showing generally benevolent interest, but avoids any further otherwise exchange that would suggest a quasi-recognition.

Are there national cooperation, rather this is limited to particular interests of international actors, such as combating piracy and the "struggle" against terrorism. Locally a conglomeration of NGOs fill the gaps left by government agencies and elsewhere take on the self-employed (still) can not be provided.

Ultimately, the decision on a fork so that in the hands of Mogadishu and Hargeysa. The battle lines have hardened. Somaliland to reunify categorically rejects. On the other hand, the south of Somalia stressed at every opportunity that the Somali people have no interest in disintegration and secession of Somaliland and that will always remain part of Somalia.

Another reason which makes it difficult to recognize significant, is the lack of media coverage of the conflict. Despite all the efforts of Somaliland's population is barely manages to move her concerns to the attention of the world public. To be very focused on the international viewing angle, the image of the crisis-ridden, lost continent.

Prototypical Southern Sudan

In this talk, but also some strong arguments for an international recognition of Somaliland. Above all, the referendum and the subsequent secession of southern Sudan in July this year were regarded as a beacon of hope for the attainment of one's own self-determination. 2001 supported 97 percent of residents in a referendum held in Somaliland's independence. It meets all international legal criteria of the state - the so-called Montevideo criteria - and has a more pronounced political system than some other African countries.

The recognition of an already positive trend could give a new impulse and acknowledge the progress already made in state-building and democratization. This could have a motivating effect on the rest of Somalia and would break with the current paradoxical situation in which the transitional government in Mogadishu international attention and receives funds precisely because it does not work.

Should there be a recognition of Somaliland, this could also be a cost-effective tool for chronic disease piracy, failed states and terrorism to be the rest of Somalia. Only a stable Somaliland and the combating of causes can bring about long-term improvement in these areas.

So good to listen to the forecasts for a possible recognition of Somaliland may be, they would not be able to solve all problems and is unlikely due to various geopolitical reasons many players in the near future anyway. Until now it's just not possible to develop a strategy that is conducive to the interests of Somaliland, but also leaves open the problem of recognition.

Somaliland must therefore also likely to continue to sit idly by, as the transitional government in Mogadishu receives substantial financial injections from international pots, although they controlled for decades little more than the capital. Perhaps, however, is precisely the absence of extensive, external assistance and non-interference of the international community, the success of Somaliland society.

Origin in German:

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